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The “New” Frontier: Sino-Russian Cooperation in the Arctic and its Geopolitical Implications
This special paper, edited by Niklas Swanström and Filip Borges Månsson, examines Sino-Russian relations in the Arctic and forms part of a series of research projects at the Institute for Security and Development Policy (ISDP). It aims to enhance understanding of the extent to which Russia and China cooperate across different policy areas. Although the Arctic remains highly relevant in global geopolitics, it has been largely neglected in recent years due to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and other militarized conflicts. This volume brings together insights from 12 scholars with diverse areas of expertise, offering both a broad and in-depth perspective on the region and the dynamics of Sino-Russian cooperation, or lack thereof. Read the volume here.
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India-Sweden Strategic Compass, Vol.4, No.4, July-August 2025.
Want to know more about how India-Sweden ties are progressing this summer? The past two months have underscored both the dynamism and the strategic depth of India-Sweden relations, as well as their positioning within broader European and global currents. A landmark development was the 10th Joint Working Group on Defence Cooperation, which not only reviewed existing partnerships but also opened new avenues for industry-to-industry collaboration. The parallel business interactions between Indian and Swedish defence associations demonstrated the maturity of this pillar and its potential to evolve into a cornerstone of bilateral engagement. As both nations navigate a turbulent world, the past two months reaffirm that India and Sweden remain committed to building a future-oriented, inclusive, and strategic partnership. Read this bi-monthly newsletter on India-Sweden relations.
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China’s Climate Commitments and the Tibetan Paradox: An Argument for Accountability under the UNFCCC
China today is the second-largest economy and the single largest emitter of greenhouse gases. It plays a pivotal role in any global climate resolution. Yet its internal environmental practices, especially in the ecologically critical region of Tibet, have raised questions about the consistency of its international commitments with its local governance models, write Richard Ghiasy and Jagannath Panda. They further write that its classification as a “developing country” within the UNFCCC structure also does not reflect its economic and geopolitical stature. The UNFCCC should institutionalize a stronger civil society presence, including representation from marginalized territories. Mechanisms such as observer status, independent reporting rights, and stakeholder consultations can democratize the climate dialogue, write Ghiasy and Panda.
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Sweden’s Lessons for East Asia: Why Japan and South Korea Should Look to Stockholm in a Dual Contingency
Ju Hyung Kim writes that Sweden’s recent NATO accession and its long tradition of Total Defense offer valuable lessons on resilience, deterrence, and multinational cooperation. Just as Sweden built capacity to withstand a Russian crisis while supporting allies, Japan and South Korea can adapt certain practices to deal with a dual East Asian contingency. Moreover, Seoul has an untapped opportunity to expand security cooperation with Sweden—an advanced defense actor whose experience in the Baltic holds direct relevance for Northeast Asia, as Kim writes.
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Iran’s Interpretation of the Law of the Sea and Japan’s FOIP Strategy
Javad Heiran-Nia writes that given Japan’s heavy reliance on maritime routes for foreign trade, its ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) strategy is closely tied to the rule of law at sea, maritime security, and freedom of navigation. Furthermore, due to Japan’s dependence on energy supplies from the Persian Gulf and the critical importance of securing energy transit routes, this strategy also extends to the Persian Gulf region. In this context, Tokyo emphasizes the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and its own Ocean Policy. Meanwhile, Iran, despite having signed UNCLOS, has not ratified it and implements its provisions selectively. Nevertheless, to achieve its maritime-based economic development goals, Iran requires an interpretation of the Law of the Sea that aligns with UNCLOS, argues Javad Heiran-Nia. This could create an overlap between Iran’s interpretation of maritime law and the principles pursued under Japan’s FOIP strategy.
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For Trump, India is not an indispensable player in the Indo-Pacific. Jagannath Panda speaks to Basque daily GARA
Jagannath Panda, in an interview with the Spanish magazine, views that Trump’s current approach to imposing higher tariffs runs counter to America’s long-term interests in Asia. For nearly two decades, U.S. policymakers across party lines invested in building India up as a stabilizing partner and as a potential counterweight to China. This effort culminated in milestones such as the 2008 Indo-U.S. nuclear deal, growing defense sales, and institutionalized platforms like the Quad. Trump, however, operates on short-term tactical impulses rather than a strategic vision. His abrupt tariff escalations and coercive demands risk alienating India and eroding trust that had been painstakingly built. Moreover, by undermining the Quad through neglect or unilateralism, Trump weakens the very framework designed to balance China’s rise in the Indo-Pacific, says Panda. Read this full interview in English and Spanish here.